Sunday, July 21, 2013

BBC‘s internal rifts behind non-posting of report on MQM


ISLAMABAD: It was not any external pressure but rifts between the editor and the reporter that kept the BBC away from posting the online version of its fiery documentary on MQM that has virtually brought the party under pressure in Pakistan and UK.
According to a report published by Islamabad-based political magazine “Pulse” the subsequent attempt by BBC reporter Owen-Bennet Jones to publish its online version on the BBC website failed, with the editor particularly objecting to any reference

in it to the documentary evidence linking MQM with Indian intelligence.
Quoting sources privy to Mr Bennet, Pulse claims that the reporter had begun his original documentary  with alleged contacts  between Mr Hussein, and the Indian intelligence agency RAW, however the editor expunged that portion, which got Mr Bennet upset.
However, Mr Bennet wanted the online version of the documentary with original intro but again, the editor did not agree for that. As a result of rift between the editor, and the reporter, the BBC administration decided not to post the report on its website, the magazine reports.  
The report says that the Scotland Yard’s case against Altaf Hussain is proceeding on three different lines—Dr Imran Farooq’s murder, inciting violence and money laundering. Progress in each instance may appear to have hit a snag currently. However, as sources confide, the British police authorities are “resolute” about “nailing” the MQM leader on either of the three inter-linked charges of murder, incitement of violence and money laundering.
The London Metropolitan Police is clear about the murder story, including its reason, manner and perpetrators—and all it needs now is admissible evidence. It was for this very purpose that its Counter-terrorism Unit had recently arrested Iftikhar Hussain as he returned from Canada to Heathrow Airport. Despite subsequent release on bail of Altaf’s nephew and confidante due to his refusal to confess, police officials dealing with the case are confident about the veracity of their version of why and how Dr Farooq was killed, and who ordered, organized, handled and conducted his killing, the report further reads.
It says that even though the Metropolitan police subsequently failed to provide due security, resulting in Dr Farooq’s murder in London in September 2010, but it was the first  to reach his home soon afterwards. What it found under his bed, according to sources, were documents detailing MQM leader’s links with Indian intelligence. Thus, instantly from the time the murder took place, the British police began building their case against Altaf. For he was the only one who could have felt directly threatened from Dr Farooq’s bid to create a rival political party representing the Muhajirs of urban Sindh.
The murder trail—based on a variety of sources of information, especially travel records to and from the UK of individuals with links to MQM before and after the murder—puts five individuals in the spotlight. They allegedly include Iftikhar as the organizer and Khalid Shamim as the handler. Khalid has been under ISI detention since late 2011, when he and two other unnamed MQM activists were reportedly arrested from Karachi airport, as they returned from Sri Lanka. Both are said to have committed the murder. Another MQM activist arrested from Lahore after the May elections is believed to have arranged finances for the deadly venture, the report claims.
Citing  reliable sources, the report says  that the alleged murderers had travelled to the UK on education visas, while Khalid’s visa was secured through a letter issued by a Karachi-based freight company. All of them were present in London during a couple of months prior to Dr Sattar’s murder, monitoring his movements. Within two days of the murder, they left the UK for different destinations in Europe onwards to South Africa and then to either Dubai or Doha. Whether they went to Karachi from there or headed to Sri Lanka or any other place is not clear yet. However, it is true that Khalid’s wife reported him missing in early 2011, and the case has been with the court since then.
According to the magazine, the problem is that confession by any of these detainees cannot become admissible evidence in court proceedings on the case if and when they are initiated in the UK. One possible option being suggested by the British authorities is that they can be released from detention, then re-arrested by Pakistani police through proper judicial process and subsequently handed over to the UK under a special arrangement due to the non-existence of an extradition between the two countries.
However, money laundering is a different ball game altogether. It is such a serious issue that any official British flexibility on MQM leader’s case can have direct implications for many other such cases in future. Thus, even if the failure to secure admissible evidence may lead the murder investigations towards a dead end, and the issue of incitement to violence may continue to be overlooked for the sake of larger political interests, further progress in the money laundering case could eventually cost Altaf Hussain his current freedom to call the shots in Pakistan while sitting in London, the report added. (news agencies)

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